Revival of Confucianism in China - Why do I Care?

2007 is the time when I first pay attention to the so-call 'revival of Confucianism' in China. What does that mean? Put it simply, we see that Confucianism is 're-entering' into the public space in China. Tang (2001) describes the ‘revival’ of Confucianism is signified by the discourse on the ‘religious nature’ of Confucianism among scholars and intellectuals. This movement, according to Yang (2007), is still at the early stage of development and received little notice by the Western scholars and media.

Politically, the State of PRC provides financial sponsorship to the annual worship of Confucius in Qufu (Shangdong province) on his birthday since 2004 ; the government also establishes 'Confucius Institute' worldwide to promote the study of Chinese language and culture. As Daniel Bell (2006) suggests, the government is trying to use Confucianism to fill in the 'ideology vacuum' of the country -- since Marxism (together with Western liberal democracy) can no longer play the role of leading ideology, and religious sects and extreme nationalism are too radical for the Beijing government, promoting Confucianism is seen as the best way to protect 'social stability'.

Since the state 'opened-door' policy to discussion and promotion Confucianism, we then can see a series of social changes that illustrates how Confucianism is once again visible in Chinese social life. The worship of Confucius is revitalized again. Confucians Temples are once again became the site of worship and also a site of memory.

Moreover, there is a trend of revisiting the Confucian classics. Walking into any megabookstore in China, it is not difficult to find numerous publications on the Analects, Mencius, Xunzi and other classics of Confucianism. Although the study of Confucian classics had defined Chinese scholarship in past centuries, the current ‘revival’ of the classics has a different spin – the emphasis on ‘individual interpretation’ of the classics and how these meanings can be related to daily life issues. It is departing from the traditional scholastic tradition of word-by-word interpretation of the meaning of the Confucian classics. What I am observing now in China is a movement that is occurring within mass cultures – television, book and internet, in general public. Although scholars are participating in this movement, the ‘discourse’ is not an academic one; rather, the concern is to reinterpret the ancient wisdom to deal with everyday life issue. The Yu Dan phenomenon is one of the most significant examples.

Yu Dan is a professor of Beijing Normal University. In 2006, she conducted a 7-part daily lecture series analyzing the Analects on the popular program "Lecture Room" on China's Central Television CCTV 10. It brought about a surge in audience ratings. In December 2006, Yu Dan published her book Thinking about the Analects 論語心得. It sold 12,600 volumes in just one day, breaking the previous sales record in Beijing. In just one month, her book sold 900,000 copies. Sales of her book surpassed 1.5 million within 40 days of publication. It was definitely the hottest book in 2006. Media describes her book as a ‘Chinese version of Chicken Soup for the Soul’.

In addition, public schools started to develop new syllabus that includes of Confucians Classics (including the Analects). Other than that, the spreading of scripture-reading classes and institutes devoted to the study of guoxue (the ‘learning of the nation’); the emergence of traditional-style Sishu schools (private schooling that resonate with the pedagogy style in Confucius’ time); and the promotion of Han dress (Han fu, 漢服) are also identified as the signifier of the New Confucianism Movement (Yang 2007).

To me, the recent changing attitude towards Confucianism by the Chinese government is bizarre and intriguing. During the Cultural Revolution (1967-1977), Confucianism was considered as one of the ‘Four Olds’[1] that needed to be eliminated. Like other religions, which are considered as the ‘opiate of the people, Confucianism was considered as the ‘ideology of the feudal’. Three decades later, Confucianism regained its role as the ‘core cultural value’ of the Chinese people and the government. This is the phenomenon that can tell us a lot about the relationship between religion, state and nationalism; also, religion, secularization, late-modernity; globalization and identity etc.....and this is where I began my journey of exploring all these issues.

Reference:

Bell, D. 2006. China's leaders rediscover Confucianism. International Herald Tribune, 14 September 2006. (click here)

Sun, A. X. D. 2005. The Fate of Confucianism as a Religion in Socialist China: Controversies and Paradoxes. Pp.229-254 in Fenggang Yang and Joseph Tamney eds., State, Market, and Religions in Chinese Societies.

Tang, Y. 2001. Some Reflections on New Confucianism in Mainland Chinese Culture of the 1990s. Pp.123-134 in Gloria Davies ed., Voicing Concerns: Contemporary Chinese Critical Inquiry. Lanham: Rowan & Littlefield.

Yang, F. 2007. Cultural Dynamics in China: Today and in 2020. Asia Policy (4): 41-52.

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[1] The Anti-Four Olds campaign is one of the stated goals in the Cultural Revolution started by Mao Zedong in 1964. The four olds are referring to ‘Old Custom, Old Culture, Old Habits, and Old Ideas’. The definition is very vague and basically everything that exist before 1949 is considered as part of the ‘Old Culture’. Together with ‘foreign religions’ and ‘Jesus followers’, scholars of Confucianism are the victims of this political movement.